Jean-Claude Métraux - The ethical issues of contemporary migration
Forum Sachs femminile there were already signs that something new was stirring in the us and uk student protests ofthe Occupy encampments at Puerta del Sol and Zuccotti Park.
In India, mass rallies condemned the gang rape of Jyoti Pandey in and feminist flash-mobs have disrupted the moral-policing Forum Sachs femminile of Hindutva fundamentalists. The protests against sexual assault on us campuses blazed across the New York media in In Brazil, 30, black women descended on the capital in to demonstrate against sexual violence and racism, calling for the ouster of the corrupt head of the National Congress, Eduardo Cunha; earlier that year, the March Forum Sachs femminile Margaridas brought over 50, rural women to Brasília.
Italy, Spain and Portugal saw huge marches against domestic violence and economic precarity. The eruption of MeToo in October and the convulsions that have Forum Sachs femminile are only the latest in a string of mass events around the world. Yet any attempt to renew feminist strategy today confronts a series of dilemmas. First, we lack convincing assessments of the progress already made.
How, exactly—by what processes, to what extent—have conditions improved? What changes have been brought about, globally, in gender relations, and where do these now Forum Sachs femminile Through to the mid-twentieth century, the hegemonic, though far from universal, Western model entailed the rule of men across the public sphere—governments, armies, legislature, judiciary, institutes of learning, the press—and, in return for the slights and buffetings of mass industrial-capitalist society, offered each man the private fiefdom of the domestic sphere, where he could rule over the wife who bore and raised his children, served him at table and in bed.
This was qualified internationally by a wide range of geo-cultural family structures and forms of production, and co-existed with broader, seemingly universal moralities of pleasure and predation, eliding good-girl and bad-girl categories with inequalities of class, race Forum Sachs femminile caste.
A mass of data now shows that women have entered the global waged-labour force in their Forum Sachs femminile of millions since the s. In tertiary education, girls outnumber boys in over seventy countries. Forum Sachs femminile terms of reproductive health, average fertility has fallen from five births to two. On the domestic front, men report that they do more Forum Sachs femminile than their fathers, women less than their mothers. In attitudes, polls show a majority in favour of gender equality on every continent, with near universal support in many countries.
On this basis, the mainstream-feminist Forum Sachs femminile to the question of strategy has Forum Sachs femminile been: more of the same. Ergo, the same programme that has already produced such good results should continue, with renewed vigour Forum Sachs femminile cash. Yet—this is the second part of the puzzle—advances in gender equality have gone hand-in-hand with soaring socio-economic in equality across most of the world. The levelling up of world regions through accelerated accumulation in China and East Asia has been matched by growing disparity between classes, which the advance of professional-strata women has helped to accentuate Forum Sachs femminile creating a thin layer of double-income wealthy households.
In reality, each of these spheres has undergone profound changes that have themselves been deeply gendered and which inter-relate in contradictory ways. Hegemonic masculinities have become, on the one hand, more cerebral Forum Sachs femminile sensitive; on the other—in global finance, virtual worlds, the gangsterized zones of the informal economy—more swaggering than ever.
Politics, the realm Forum Sachs femminile power, has been simultaneously opened—induction of women Forum Sachs femminile minorities; third-wave democratization—and homogenized around a single programme, reproducing the pattern of parity within inequality. These transformations are inter-linked: economic pressures worsening gender and sexual relations, culture and politics proposing contradictory forms of compensation. Questions of feminist strategy have been sharpened by the debates around MeToo.
In broader strategic terms, MeToo poses the question of how we should understand the present moment comparatively and historically. In non-traditional sectors—Farley spoke to female police officers, wholesale managers, technical draughtsmen—sexual hazing and bullying functioned to keep them out.
Has there been regression as well as advance? Is harassment still functional as a gendered form of workplace discipline, or is it residual? Have its racial patternings undergone any change? These are questions not just for analysis but for strategy as well. How effectively can sexual harassment be tackled if intersecting insecurities Forum Sachs femminile not addressed?
In surveys of us women working in the fast-food sector, for example, a third of the African-Americans and Latinas Forum Sachs femminile that Forum Sachs femminile harasser had disrupted their work, compared to a quarter of white women. The women of colour were significantly more likely to face punitive retribution if they tried to report harassment—but Latina workers, far more than black women, said they had to keep quiet and put up with it, in order to keep the job.
A comparative perspective also helps to contrast feminist strategies in an international frame. While us preoccupations have centred on harassment at work and in education, the new movements in Latin America have focused on domestic violence, those in southern Europe on economic, sexual and migrant precarity.
What aspects of the old feminisms should be challenged, and on what grounds? To what extent do the new feminisms replicate or break with them? The present text is an attempt to define the paradigms that have governed practice up till now and to think through their Forum Sachs femminile for midst century conditions. The perspective is international; it would be solipsistic to premise inquiry on the experience of a single country without asking how that related to developments elsewhere.
How to address, analytically, the countless varieties of feminism that exist in the world today? It has established a sophisticated programme, the Beijing Platform for Action, and articulated a set of processes to monitor its advance. No evaluation of contemporary feminist strategy can ignore this stratum. If it is indeed hegemonic, then all other feminisms will be in part defined by their relation to it.
At the same time, global feminism Forum Sachs femminile under the high meridian of American power and its practice has been deeply informed by us exemplars and expertise; to understand either involves grasping the relationship between the two. To that end, it makes sense first to consider the character of mainstream us feminism, the strategic logic of its programme and its interface with the institutions of American rule.
At each of these junctures, increasing Forum Sachs femminile within the prevailing regime of reproduction, with its specific division of labour, gender roles and behavioural norms, overlapped with intensifying contradictions in the regime of accumulation.
The span of human development offered an abundance of systemic Forum Sachs femminile even if feminist anthropologists were wrong about the details of democratic collectivism in Forum Sachs femminile Iroquois long houses, or the degree of sexual liberation that Trobriand Islanders enjoyed, they were right to claim these as evidence that reproductive relations Forum Sachs femminile be structured on radically different lines—social, flexible and egalitarian, rather than the privatized, radically asymmetrical gender division of labour that set the norm for the modern-capitalist nuclear family.
Radical as well Forum Sachs femminile socialist feminists in the us called for the overthrow of existing structures. But in the United States, at least, this was only one of three distinct bodies of thought Forum Sachs femminile the status of women and the crisis of the post-war order. Initially these campaigners concentrated on equal pay. But once the Civil Rights Act was passed, its Title VII outlawing Forum Sachs femminile at work on grounds of sex as well as race, and establishing the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission to adjudicate matters, that framework became the main focus Forum Sachs femminile their attention.
The strategy was legalist, handing authority over gender relations to the courts. Any individual who experienced discrimination at work could file a charge with their regional eeocwhich would investigate the complaint and, if substantiated, attempt to settle with the employer—or, if that failed, file a Forum Sachs femminile against the firm within the civil-court system, of which the ultimate arbiter would be the Supreme Court.
Though writing with African-Americans in mind, Becker argued the framework was just as applicable to sex discrimination: employing women was economically beneficial. Most consequentially, the Chicago economists and the now leadership converged on two key questions: work and the family.
They drew on the collectivist experiments of earlier revolutionaries—the neighbourhood kitchens set up by Parisian women inRussian Constructivist designs for flexible social housing, communal childcare, radical pedagogy; the non-possessive relationships charted by Alexandra Kollontai and Simone de Beauvoir. On employment, both now and the neoliberals favoured the legalist, anti-discrimination approach. But they hoped that these could be means to transformative ends.
For equal-opportunity feminists, workforce participation was a goal in itself, especially when it Forum Sachs femminile the higher rungs of the employment ladder.
For neoliberals, the rationale was one of utility maximization. Unlike equal-opportunity feminists, they opposed equal-pay legislation, on the grounds that it denied women the freedom to compete at a lower wage, which would impose a cost on employers who still chose to hire men; conversely, non-discriminatory firms would enjoy the benefits of cheaper labour.
These convergences would become more salient as the revolutionary tide of the late s ebbed, the Federal authorities and philanthropic foundations threw their weight behind the anti-discrimination system and American feminism began its long march through the institutions. On the question of affirmative action, Chicago neoliberals purs et durs parted company with anti-discrimination feminists: this was government regulation and bound to produce distorted outcomes.
But what might be called actually existing neoliberalism—the practice of corporations committed to shareholder agendas—came to see advantages in the active promotion of women and minorities. For Human Resources and pr departments, affirmative-action targets and timetables brought a progressive sheen to the company image at no extra cost; the self-evaluation reports required by the eeoc were a bulwark against litigation.
Firms and institutions began adopting affirmative-action goals on a voluntary basis and Reagan made Forum Sachs femminile move against it. The narrative not Forum Sachs femminile excluded the redistributive demands of the civil-rights movement jobs, housingthe Northern ghettos, the dense local networks for Southern black self-defence Forum Sachs femminile more radical political traditions—Third World solidarity, self-determination, land-reform.
During the Cold War, the State Department took a lead in pressing for civil-rights reform. Brown v. In the short run, the anti-discrimination machinery set in place by the Civil Rights Act appeared a spectacular failure, as the Northern ghettos—Harlem, Watts, Newark, Detroit—erupted in revolt. Formal equality and the legal ban on segregation, though historic gains, left intact the barriers Forum Sachs femminile class, poverty, unemployment, rundown schools and housing, compounded by systemic racism and police harassment.
All-white fire departments sat on their hands while the ghettos burned. InKing himself finally came out against the war in Vietnam. Black power leaders went further, making common cause with anti-imperialist fighters around the globe.
The strategy was double-edged, involving both integration and coercion. The integrationist project comprised a major programme of affirmative action, which set numerical targets for minority recruitment in employment as a condition for receiving Federal funds.
It operated through the Department of Labor, building on the existing anti-discrimination machinery of the eeoc. In Nixon signed into law another amendment, Title IX, outlawing sex discrimination in all federally funded educational activities.
Operating through the Department of Justice, the courts, the insthe prison system and the Forum Sachs femminile, it introduced racially targeted crackdowns and imprisonment on a new scale. Sterilization programmes were Forum Sachs femminile on drug users, obligatory job-seeking on unemployed mothers. Campaigns against domestic Forum Sachs femminile sexual violence were brought under the aegis of the criminal-justice system, reframing them as a behavioural problem of individual rogue males, to be dealt with by tougher sentences and more interventionist policing, rather than a social question.
In communities already on guard against racist treatment by the police, mandatory arrest laws—and the possibility of deportation—made it harder for women to report violent men. In racial terms, the effect of his double-edged policy was dramatic. Within a generation a new African-American elite had been consolidated, with a much-enlarged position in politics, business, the media and education; meanwhile over two million poorer blacks, mostly male, languished in prison.
The most influential of these was the social-democratic model, which arose from the mass parties of the early Second International. In Forum Sachs femminile vanguard forms, this strategy envisaged abolishing the heteronormative nuclear family altogether, in favour of communal living. This model informed the programmes implemented, to Forum Sachs femminile or worse effect, in Scandinavia and the state-socialist countries, and thence exported in modified forms to the newly independent Third World countries and parties that looked to the Forum Sachs femminile Union for developmental ideas.
It arose from the competitive imperialist-modernization projects of the s, and informed the work of early birth-control campaigns. From the s this approach was given a new lease of life by us modernization theory, in conjunction with the pharmaceutical conglomerates and the Rockefeller-backed proselytizers of the International Planned Parenthood Federation, funded by a billion dollars of usaid. Cold War allies in Asia and Forum Sachs femminile America were persuaded that falling fertility rates were a means to jump-start modernization, rather than a consequence of it.
The hold exercised by the anti-discrimination approach over us feminism was based on tangible results. The s saw a raft of equal-opportunity measures for women on credit and mortgage lendingthe military and work-place pregnancyflanked by Supreme Court rulings to legalize contraception and abortion These victories owed much to liberal-establishment support—above all, to the wealth and expertise of the corporate-philanthropic foundations that funded the institutionalization of anti-discrimination feminism from the 70s on.
It was driven from outside, by the active intervention of the same philanthropic foundations that had played a major role in shaping the Civil Rights Acts and funding the naacp. This meant channelling radical energies towards legalist projects within the anti-discrimination Forum Sachs femminile.
Bundy saw no contradiction between saturation bombing in Indochina and funding social reform at Forum Sachs femminile both were for the good of America. Ford officials would select and groom Forum Sachs femminile movement candidates, inviting them to apply for grants, holding out the prospect of jobs, salaries, contacts and high-level intellectual support.